Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics <p><em>Isogloss</em> is a journal of theoretical and experimental linguistics, with the Romance varieties as object of investigation.</p><p>Submissions are accepted for articles on any linguistic phenomenon in any Romance variety. No specific theoretical approaches are given any preference, but the articles need to have clear implications for the theory of language and should not be only descriptive in nature.</p> en-US Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:<br /><ol type="a"><li>Authors retain copyright.</li><li>The texts published in this journal are – unless indicated otherwise – covered by the Creative Commons Spain <a title="Creative Commons" href="" target="_blank">Attribution 4.0</a> licence. You may copy, distribute, transmit and adapt the work, provided you attribute it (authorship, journal name, publisher) in the manner specified by the author(s) or licensor(s). 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Open Journal of Romance Linguistics) Mon, 30 Jan 2023 10:14:20 +0100 OJS 60 Doing Romance Linguistics in the 2020s <p>N/A</p> Roberta D'Alessandro Copyright (c) 2023 Roberta D'Alessandro Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Doing Romance Linguistics: A Multilingual Acquisition Perspective <p>N/A</p> Silvina Montrul Copyright (c) 2023 Silvina Montrul Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Viewing Romance through a variationist lens <p>N/A</p> Shana Poplack Copyright (c) 2023 Shana Poplack Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 'Doing' Romance Linguistics <p>N/A</p> Almeida Jacqueline Toribio Copyright (c) 2023 Almeida Jacqueline Toribio Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Romance grammars in context and contact <p>This Special Issue brings together ten articles authored by the participants and invited speakers of the<em> Romance Grammars, Context and Contact </em>(RGCC2021) workshop. This introductory article provides an overview of the workshop and summarizes the articles in the present collection.</p> Alice Corr, Norma Schifano Copyright (c) 2023 Alice Corr, Norma Schifano Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 When Moldovan meets Russian <p>This article offers an analysis of Moldovan complex predicates, focusing on the differences between structures with aspectuals and modals. It is shown that, under the influence of Russian, a minor pattern found in old Moldovan, whereby aspectuals and embedded infinitives instantiate a monoclausal construction, was generalized. As a consequence, pronominal clitics became free to raise to the matrix aspectual predicate, since they were no longer blocked by phasal (CP) <em>barriers</em>. Conversely, modal predicates, which select in both Russian and Moldovan full CP-complements, do not display clitic-climbing since clitics cannot skip over phasal boundaries. Following an overview of Romance and Slavic complex predicates, Moldovan complex predicates containing both aspectual and modal verbs are analysed. In this analysis infinitival complements and subjunctive complements, which show different syntactic behaviours, especially with respect to the phenomenon of clitic-climbing, will be treated separately. Finally, the special case of Moldovan within (Daco-)Romance is discussed, since Moldovan appears to be the only variety which has started to systematically display clitic-climbing out of subjunctive clauses introduced by să. </p> Ștefania Costea Copyright (c) 2023 Ștefania Costea Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Plural formation in Istro-Romanian numeral quantifier phrases: inflexional calquing from Croatian? <p>We explore the effects of prolonged contact with Croatian on the inflexional morphology of number-marking in the Istro-Romanian noun. One result of a reorganization of the nominal system is that certain bisyllabic plural desinences, originally associated with <em>feminine</em> gender, are reassigned to the masculine, and come to exist alongside other modes of masculine plural marking. The resultant variation in masculine plural inflexion becomes subject to new patterns of distribution which are clearly sensitive to Croatian models, including the exaptation of masculine plural morphology to provide distinctive specialized morphological marking of plurals in certain numeral quantifier expressions for ‘smaller’ numbers, in ways clearly reminiscent of Croatian. What is involved is a complex array of ‘pattern’ borrowing, although there is also some evidence for ‘matter’ borrowing of a dialectal Croatian plural ending which Istro-Romanian sometimes uses in numeral quantifier phrases with higher numerals. Overall, we seem to be in the presence of an emergent ‘numerative’. While the creation of numeratives is well known from the <em>internal </em>history of various languages, our data may show that they may also emerge through language contact.</p> Oana Uță Bărbulescu, Martin Maiden Copyright (c) 2023 Martin Maiden, Oana Uță Bărbulescu Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Double Object Constructions in Afro-Brazilian Portuguese <p>During the colonial period (16<sup>th</sup> - 19<sup>th</sup> centuries), Brazil was a multilingual country, home to Portuguese, Indigenous peoples, and Africans. Portuguese was learned as a second language by the Africans brought to Brazil by the slave trade, mainly under the influence of the Bantu languages the slaves spoke. From this language contact, an Afro-Brazilian Portuguese variety has emerged (ABP) which displays a ditransitive construction with an unmarked Goal dative, and <em>V-Goal-Theme</em> order, similar to Double Object Constructions (DOC) in English. We propose that the so-called DOC in ABP can be understood in terms of the Maximizing Minimal Means model (Biberauer 2018, 2019). In this model, Feature Economy and Feature/Input Generalization (Biberauer &amp; Roberts 2017) constitute a major factor in L2 learning in contact scenarios. For the innovative ABP structure, the [+animate] and low applicative features of the Bantu substrate grammars are shown to have been key in the first generation’s L2 acquisition of a marked Classical Portuguese <em>V-Goal-Theme</em> structure. The structure becomes established in subsequent L1 acquisition of ABP, with expansion beyond the original core structures.</p> Isis Barros, Ana Calindro Copyright (c) 2023 Isis Barros, Ana Calindro Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Object Person Marking in two under-represented Spanish dialects of Mexico <p>This paper is about a clitic-like form <em>lo</em> that appears in two under-studied dialects of Mexico in the context of transitive clauses. The distribution of this clitic-like form in these dialects is at odds with Standard Mexican Spanish which does not allow it in the same context. This clitic-like form resembles the singular, masculine, accusative object clitic of Standard Spanish, but it differs in that it does not show the agreement pattern expected for object clitics. In this paper we argue that this clitic-like form is better understood as an object marker that is triggered by the lack of a positive [Participant] feature in the direct object as part of the extended projection of the Object-DP. We also propose that this marking strategy is not the result of linguistic transfer or interaction with a different language, but rather a possible development within the grammar of Spanish. This marking strategy is, in fact, an inherent strategy of Spanish, but it gets blocked by normative pressure. The fact that this strategy flourishes in dialects apart from normative/academic contexts could be an indicator that the explanation we offer is on the right track.</p> Renato García González, José Fernando Chapa Barrios Copyright (c) 2023 Renato García González, José Fernando Chapa Barrios Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 Gender strategies in the perception and production of mixed nominal constructions by New Mexico Spanish-English bilinguals <p>This study investigated gender assignment strategies in mixed noun phrases containing a Spanish determiner and an English noun among Spanish-English bilinguals (n = 38) in New Mexico (U.S.A.). Previous research has reported different gender assignment strategies based on a preference for a default determiner, the gender of the translation equivalent, or shape-based cues from the other language. The present study consisted of (i) a language background questionnaire, (ii) a two-alternative forced-choice judgment task, and (iii) two director-matcher tasks: a forced-switch task and a spontaneous card game. The results of the judgment task indicate that participants preferred the gender of the translation equivalent, i.e., <em>la window</em> ‘the.FEM window’ following the gender of the Spanish noun <em>la ventana</em>. Results from the production tasks also show that participants produced both gender congruent and incongruent mixed NPs, with Late English bilinguals producing more congruent mixed NPs, similar to the translation equivalent strategy found in the judgment task. These findings differ from those found in naturalistic speech in other New Mexican communities, which display a preference for a masculine default strategy. We suggest that the nature of participants’ bilingual profile and the community norms (urban setting, heterogeneous and diverse language contact profiles) may play a key role in the observed code-switching patterns in mixed noun phrases.</p> Mark Cisneros, Eva Rodríguez-González, Kate Bellamy, M. Carmen Parafita Couto Copyright (c) 2023 Mark Cisneros, Eva Rodríguez-González, Kate Bellamy, M. Carmen Parafita Couto Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100 How frequent are these verbs? <p>In monolingual (L1) acquisition, children produce target-like subject-verb agreement early in development in both Spanish (Grinstead 1998) and English (Guasti 2002). However, in heritage simultaneous bilinguals (2L1) and child second language acquirers (L2), agreement morphology shows variability (Goldin 2020; Herschensohn &amp; Stevenson 2005) due to age of acquisition (AoA) effects. Lexical frequency is another factor that has been shown to play a role in modulating L1 (i.e. Ambridge et al. 2015) and heritage acquisition (i.e. Giancaspro 2017, 2020), but little is known about its effect in child L2. This study explores the extent to which verb lexical frequency plays a role in the acquisition of verb morphology for bilingual children with differing AoA, comparing 42 2L1 heritage children with 46 L2 Spanish learners with AoA of 5;0. They participated in a Spanish fill-in-the-blanks production task. The results of an analysis focused on singular <em>correr</em> and <em>comer</em> (chosen because they differ in only one phoneme) indicated that responses to <em>comer</em>, the more frequent verb, were more target-like for both groups, and that frequency showed a stronger effect for heritage 2L1 children than for L2 children, while also modulating non-target-like responses. We discuss these findings with implications for bilingual development and education.</p> Michele Goldin, Julio César López Otero, Esther Hur Copyright (c) 2023 Michele Goldin, Julio César López Otero, Esther Hur Mon, 30 Jan 2023 00:00:00 +0100