Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss <p><em>Isogloss</em> is a journal of theoretical and experimental linguistics, with the Romance varieties as object of investigation.</p><p>Submissions are accepted for articles on any linguistic phenomenon in any Romance variety. No specific theoretical approaches are given any preference, but the articles need to have clear implications for the theory of language and should not be only descriptive in nature.</p> Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona en-US Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 2385-4138 Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:<br /><ol type="a"><li>Authors retain copyright.</li><li>The texts published in this journal are – unless indicated otherwise – covered by the Creative Commons Spain <a title="Creative Commons" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/es/deed.en" target="_blank">Attribution 4.0</a> licence. You may copy, distribute, transmit and adapt the work, provided you attribute it (authorship, journal name, publisher) in the manner specified by the author(s) or licensor(s). The full text of the licence can be consulted here: <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</a>.</li><li>Authors are able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the non-exclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), with an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.</li><li>Authors are permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work (See <a href="http://opcit.eprints.org/oacitation-biblio.html" target="_new">The Effect of Open Access</a>).</li></ol> A categorial grammar of Spanish auxiliary chains https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-krivochen-schmerling <p>Spanish auxiliary sequences as in <em>Juan puede haber tenido que estar empezando a trabajar hasta tarde </em>‘Juan may have had to be starting to work until late’, traditionally termed <em>auxiliary chains</em>, have two properties that are not naturally captured in phrase-structure approaches to syntax: (i) they follow no <em>a priori</em> fixed order; auxiliary permutations have different meanings, none of which is any more basic than any other (cf. <em>Juan puede estar trabajando </em>‘Juan may be working’ and <em>Juan está pudiendo trabajar </em>‘Juan is currently able to work’); and (ii) the syntactic and semantic relations established within a chain go beyond strict monotonicity or cumulative influence; rather, they present different kinds of syntactic relations in distinct local domains. We show that an alternative to syntax grounded in a modification of the categorial grammar introduced in Ajdukiewicz (1935) that closely follows Montague (1973), Dowty (1978, 1979, 2003), and Schmerling (1983a, b, 2019) provides effective tools for subsuming Spanish auxiliary chains in an explicit and explanatory grammar.</p> Diego Gabriel Krivochen Susan Schmerling Copyright (c) 2022 Diego Gabriel Krivochen, Susan Schmerling https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-07-05 2022-07-05 8 1 1 49 10.5565/rev/isogloss.126 Extraposition in River Plate Spanish. A case of clausal doubling? https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-arias <p>This paper explores a set of constructions from River Plate Spanish in which propositional attitude verbs occur both with a third person feminine accusative clitic and a CP in final position (e.g., No me <u>la</u> esperaba <em>que hiciera tanto frío, ‘</em>I didn’t expect it to be so cold’). The data under analysis, which resemble the well-studied phenomenon of extraposition in English (Jespersen 1933, Postal &amp; Pullum 1988, Rosenbaum 1967, Rothstein 1995, 2004, etc.), have not so far received much attention in the study of Spanish syntax. Our conclusion is that the ‘extraposed’ CPs do not constitute cases of right dislocation or right-adjunction but clear instances of clausal doubling, analogous to the well-known process of clitic doubling with accusative DPs characteristic of Argentine Spanish (e.g., <em>Lo vi a Gonzalo, </em>‘I saw Gonzalo’)<em>. </em>Along the lines of Rothstein (1995, 2004), we argue that the mechanism for licensing the CP is predication and we provide evidence against the hypothesis that the clitic is an object expletive.</p> Juan José Arias Copyright (c) 2022 Juan José Arias https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-07-04 2022-07-04 8 1 1 36 10.5565/rev/isogloss.198 Grouping Spanish-speaking countries by dialect: A corpus dialectometric approach https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-eddington <p>The present study attempts to cluster Spanish-speaking countries into dialect regions by computational means. The frequencies of 592 lexical and grammatical features for 21 countries were obtained the from Corpus del Español-Web Dialects. Principal components analysis and hierarchical clustering analyses used the resulting data to group countries into dialect regions. A number of algorithms were used to rank features in terms of how much they aided in dialect classification, which allowed grouping based on a smaller set of features.</p> <p> Six dialect zones were identified: European (Spain), Southern Cone (Uruguay, Argentina), Southern Central America (Costa Rica, Panama), Caribbean (Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic), Northern Central America (Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras), Andean South America (Bolivia, Paraguay, Chile, Peru). However, different subsets of features, and different clustering algorithms produced groupings that varied somewhat. The bulk of the variation dealt with where Cuba, Ecuador, Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, and the US fit into the dialect regions.</p> <p> The difficulties of the computational approach to dialect classification are discussed. Allowing computer algorithms to determine dialect boundaries appears objective. However, interpreting a principal components analysis entails a degree of</p> <p class="western"> subjectivity. Furthermore, the plethora of different classification algorithms allows the researcher to choose the one that produces the desired outcome.</p> David Ellingson Eddington Copyright (c) 2022 David Ellingson Eddington https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-07-04 2022-07-04 8 1 1 30 10.5565/rev/isogloss.207 Morphology Within the Parallel Architecture Framework https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-benavides <p> </p> <p>The Parallel Architecture (PA) framework (Jackendoff 2002, 2007, Culicover &amp; Jackendoff 2005) is one of the most complete constraint-based linguistic theories that encompasses phonology, syntax and semantics. However, it lacks a fully developed model of word formation. More recently, a theory called Relational Morphology (RM) (Jackendoff &amp; Audring 2020) has been developed, that integrates into the PA. The current study shows how the Slot Structure model (Benavides 2003, 2009, 2010), which is compatible with the PA and is based on the dual-route model and percolation of features (Pinker 1999, 2006; Huang &amp; Pinker 2010), can provide a better account of morphology than RM, and can also be incorporated into the PA, thus contributing to make this a more explanatory framework. Spanish data are used as the basis to demonstrate the implementation of the SSM. The current paper demonstrates two key problems for RM: inconsistent and confusing coindexation, and a proliferation of schemas, and shows that these issues do not arise in the Slot Structure model. Overall, the paper points out significant drawbacks in the RM framework, while at the same time showing how the PA’s morphological component can be enriched with the Slot Structure model.</p> Carlos Benavides Copyright (c) 2022 Carlos Benavides https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-07-01 2022-07-01 8 1 1 87 10.5565/rev/isogloss.200 Metrical exceptionality and stress shift in Romanian nouns and adjectives https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-alexei-ulfsbjorninn <p>This paper proposes a reanalysis of stress in Romanian nouns and adjectives. We will argue that an analysis in Strict CV Metrics produces a simple account of the stress facts of Romanian without arbitrarily dividing the lexicon into regular and irregular words. The result is a system, which, although entirely lexically marked, always has accent falling within a determined metrical window; one that is not defined by syllables or feet, but CV syllabification. In this reanalysis, all forms share precisely the same conditions on stress. Moreover, the fact that the window is defined in CVs rather than syllables uniquely makes the correct prediction that nouns/adjectives of the shape CV́.CV.CVC are impossible. Previous accounts that split the lexicon into “regular” and “irregular” forms have no obvious way to exclude this particular shape, despite it being truly unattested in the language, unlike the stated “exceptional” patterns, all of which are attested. We further use the Strict CV metrical window to correctly predict a pattern of stress shift observed with the adjectival suffix -ik. The implications for diphthong structures in Romanian are also discussed.</p> Sofia Alexei Shanti Ulfsbjorninn Copyright (c) 2022 Sofia Alexei, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-04-26 2022-04-26 8 1 1 29 10.5565/rev/isogloss.240 Reconsidering inalienable possession with definite determiners in French https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-rooryck <p style="font-weight: 400;">In many Romance and Germanic languages, definite determiners can indicate possession for a subset of nouns that have often been called nouns of ‘inalienable’ possession. This paper addresses the question of why and how the definite determiner contributes to the interpretation of ‘inalienable possession’. Following Freeze (1992) and others, I argue that ‘inalienable possession’ cannot be properly characterized as inalienable and does not involve possession. Relevant ‘inalienably possessed’ nouns are not restricted to body parts, but include a broader set of nouns that are commonly expected to be located in or on the possessor: mental or physical faculties, facial expressions, as well as articles of clothing, protection, and adornment. I argue that the relevant cases are best captured in terms of an analysis that combines a syntactic configuration for locative prepositions (RP in den Dikken’s 2006 sense) with the semantics of weak definites for the ‘inalienable’ use of the definite determiner. All observed restrictions derive from the requirement that the semantic properties of weak definites and the syntactic configuration of the RP need to be compositionally respected. Finally, I propose some ideas about how this analysis can be extended to crosslinguistic variation in German and English.</p> Johan Rooryck Copyright (c) 2022 Johan Rooryck https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-04-26 2022-04-26 8 1 1 34 10.5565/rev/isogloss.233 Converging Paths of Variation: Bilingual Rhotics and Language Change in the Archipelago of San Andres, Colombia https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-restrepo-ramos <p>This study examines the acoustic realization of phonemic taps and trills across generations of Creole-Spanish bilinguals in the Archipelago of San Andres, Colombia. Formant frequencies in the form of F2 and F3 were compared in the realization of 1,450 rhotics presenting no lingual closure produced in the bilingual Spanish speech of three generations of Creole-Spanish speakers. Alongside, F2 and F3 values were extracted from rhotic segments produced in the monolingual varieties coexisting in the Archipelago, Islander Creole (n=328) and Colombian Continental Spanish (n=150). Results show that F3 frequencies and the distance between F3-F2 in senior bilinguals increasingly resemble the values in Islander Creole approximants, whereas younger generations are more closely associated to Continental Spanish. Supporting this trend is the fact that second generation speakers stand at an intermediate position between generations. These findings suggest a change in progress where approximants in younger generations are converging in the direction of Colombian Spanish, while formant frequencies in seniors are more associated with Islander Creole.</p> Falcon Restrepo Ramos Copyright (c) 2022 Falcon Restrepo Ramos https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-02-19 2022-02-19 8 1 1 22 10.5565/rev/isogloss.115 No lo he visto ‘masque’ yo? https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-herce <p>This paper shows that Spanish ‘más que’ (lit. more than) is much more than a comparative construction synchronically. Phonological, syntactic, and semantic evidence shows that various grammatically different entities hide under this single spelling. The most prominent of these is a (phonologically unstressed) negative polarity item with a meaning “only” or “just”. By means of robust synchronic and diachronic corpus evidence, this paper explores its morphosyntactic properties and geographic distribution in the modern language, as well as when and how a comparative expression with no polarity associations could come to grammaticalize into a negative polarity item.</p> Borja Herce Copyright (c) 2022 Borja Herce https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-02-18 2022-02-18 8 1 1 23 10.5565/rev/isogloss.148 Register effects and the Spanish adjectival construction sin + INF in historical corpus data https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-yamada <p>This study analyzes the usage of the Spanish adjectival <em>sin </em>+ infinitive verb construction (<em>un libro sin terminar </em>‘an unfinished book’) and the <em>no </em>+ past participle construction (<em>un libro no terminado </em>‘an unfinished book’) in historical corpus data, with the objective of quantitatively assessing Pountain’s (1993) analysis of the emergence of adjectival <em>sin </em>+ INF as motivated in part by register formality. A logistic regression analysis finds that the usage of adjectival <em>sin </em>+ INF over <em>no </em>+ PP is significantly favored by the text register of Prose Fiction, and significantly disfavored by the register of Legal Texts. Furthermore, this preference increases with time in the register of Prose Fiction. These findings support Pountain’s claim, in showing that register effects significantly influence the usage of the novel construction. Ultimately, this study stresses the importance of measuring register effects in the analysis of language change in corpus data.</p> Aaron Yamada Copyright (c) 2022 Aaron Yamada https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-01-21 2022-01-21 8 1 10.5565/rev/isogloss.147 The Romance Inter-Views: Cartography https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v8-n1-aboh-et-al <p>The Romance Inter-Views are short, multiple Q&amp;A pairs that address key issues, definitions and ideas regarding Romance linguistics. Prominent exponents of different approaches to the study of Romance linguistics are asked to answer some general questions from their viewpoint. The answers are then assembled so that readers can get a comparative picture of what’s going on in the field.</p> <p>After the first Inter-Views focused on (morpho)syntax more generally, the second Inter-Views focus more narrowly on Cartography. We invited six syntacticians, working on this topic from a variety of perspectives, to answer our questions.</p> Enoch Aboh Guglielmo Cinque Alice Corr Rodrigo Gutiérrez-Bravo Gillian Ramchand Vieri Samek-Lodovici Copyright (c) 2022 Enoch Aboh, Guglielmo Cinque, Alice Corr, Rodrigo Gutiérrez-Bravo, Gillian Ramchand, Vieri Samek-Lodovici https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2022-06-22 2022-06-22 8 1 1 10 10.5565/rev/isogloss.246