Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 2024-01-15T14:54:31+01:00 Roberta D'Alessandro Open Journal Systems <p><em>Isogloss</em> is a journal of theoretical and experimental linguistics, with the Romance varieties as object of investigation.</p><p>Submissions are accepted for articles on any linguistic phenomenon in any Romance variety. No specific theoretical approaches are given any preference, but the articles need to have clear implications for the theory of language and should not be only descriptive in nature.</p> Types of zero complements in French and Spanish prepositional phrases 2023-09-11T16:29:02+02:00 Steffen Heidinger <p>Some French prepositions can appear without an overt complement. The discussion about the status of such zero complements (starting with Zribi-Hertz's (1984a, 1984b) seminal work) is still ongoing. More recently, Authier (2016) argued that French prepositions are heterogeneous in this respect: The zero complement of only some prepositions is a null pronoun (e.g., <em>avec </em>'with', but not <em>pour</em> 'for'). I aim to take this discussion one step further and scrutinize whether the zero complement of one and the same preposition can have different statuses. To this end I compare zero complements in two contexts: reduced sentences with a contrastive focus on the preposition vs. prepositions in full sentences without contrastive focus on the preposition. Based on data from acceptability judgment experiments, I will show that the zero complements in these two contexts underly different restrictions with respect to animacy and crosslinguistic distribution (comparing French and Spanish). This suggests two types of zero complements in the case of prepositions like <em>avec</em>: null pronouns in non-contrastive contexts, and background deletion in contrastive contexts. Additionally, the data provides novel insights about strong pronouns vs. zero complements in French and Spanish PPs, highlighting different animacy restrictions on zero complements and strong pronouns in the two languages.</p> 2024-05-21T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2024 Steffen Heidinger As small as they seem? 2023-09-11T16:29:42+02:00 Mauro Viganò Carlo Cecchetto Caterina Donati <p>We present the results of an experimental study designed to investigate the acceptability of bare participial structures in spoken Italian. These sentences, despite being extremely reduced, have full illocutionary force. For the study, we proposed a technique to elicit grammaticality judgements suitable for structures that, although productive, are not used in the written form of the language. Our aim is to investigate the validity of the structural analysis of these sentences (Cecchetto &amp; Donati 2022) according to which they are generated as small as VPs and they are not elliptical structures, i.e., they are not the result of phonological deletions from full-fledged sentences. The findings globally confirm the predictions of that account, as only require the activation of projections beyond the VP-layer, are rated as fully acceptable. However, the corresponding negative structures and some reduced structures with active transitive predicates received intermediate judgments of acceptability, contrary to the predictions. In the paper, we try to account for these unexpected results and argue that phonological deletion is available as well but is subject to tight constraints; most notably, it is restricted to the top of the tree.</p> 2024-02-20T00:00:00+01:00 Copyright (c) 2024 Mauro Viganò, Carlo Cecchetto, Caterina Donati The production of relative clauses in Italian-speaking children with DLD 2023-02-22T12:15:13+01:00 Fabrizio Arosio Silvia Silleresi Maria Teresa Guasti <p>Children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD) have been shown to struggle with the acquisition of complex structures requiring structural embedding and movement of a sentential element from its original position. This study examines the production of subject and object relative clauses (RCs) by Italian children, investigating whether: i) seven-year-old children with DLD are impaired in embedding or movement operations; ii) specific factors, such as animacy of the arguments, affect the production of sentences with movement and embedding, iii) the linguistic profile of children with DLD is qualitatively different from that of typically developing (TD) children. We elicited the production of RCs with animate and inanimate arguments in 12 Italian-speaking children with DLD (mean age = 7;2) and in two TD control groups: age matched (AM) and language matched (LM). Children with DLD produced fewer RCs than either control group and made different errors, showing a slightly different developmental path. Animacy mismatch did not improve RC production in any group. Results suggest that seven-year-old children with DLD are in a transitional stage: they can use embedding but still have difficulties with movement operations, especially in object RCs. This indicates that the language competence of children with DLD improves with age, but long-distance dependencies continue to be challenging.</p> 2024-02-06T00:00:00+01:00 Copyright (c) 2024 Fabrizio Arosio, Silvia Silleresi, Maria Teresa Guasti Verb movement in Florentine 2023-09-01T09:26:50+02:00 ELENA ISOLANI <p>Complementizer deletion (CD) in Italo-Romance varieties branches off in two different pathways: CD1, present in standard Italian with a bridge selecting verb and an irrealis embedded verb and CD2, available in Florentine and associated with a bridge or non-bridge selecting verb and a realis or irrealis embedded verb, but with an optional clitic element intervening between the main and the embedded verb. The traditional account unifies CD1 and CD2 claiming that they both represent the alternate checker of the overt complementizer: in CD1, the embedded verb moved to Fin° checks the relevant features, in CD2, the intervening element moved to Force° does the same. This article rests on the assumption that the alternative checking hypothesis is operative when the complementizer is omitted but proposes a different analysis for CD2. Some empirical evidence based on the order of the embedded verb and other left-peripheral elements will be provided to show that the embedded verb moves to ForceP. The analysis is framed within the Parametric Comparison Method, a comparative tool aimed at defining the parameters which regulate phenomena that operate in a specific syntactic domain (CP) and their functional implications.</p> 2024-01-15T00:00:00+01:00 Copyright (c) 2024 ELENA ISOLANI