No Stress System Requires Recursive Feet

Authors

  • Chris Golston California State University Fresno

Abstract

A recursive foot is one in which a foot is embedded inside another foot of the same type: e.g., iambic (iaσ(iaσσ́)) or trochaic (tr(trσ́σ)σ). Recent work has used such feet to model stress systems with full or partial ternary rhythm, in which stress falls on every third syllable or mora. I show here that no stress system requires recursive feet, that phonological processes in such languages likely don’t either, and that the notion of recursive foot is theoretically suspect.

Keywords

recursive feet, stress, ternary rhythm

References

Anttila, Arto & Young-mee Yu Cho. 1998. Variation and change in optimality theory. Lingua 104: 31-56.

Arsenijevic, Boban & Wolfram Hinzen. 2012. On the absence of X-within-X recursion in human grammar. Linguistic Inquiry, 43(3): 423-440.

Beasley, Tim & Katherine Crosswhite. 2003. Avoiding boundaries: antepenultimate stress in a rule-based framework. Linguistic Inquiry 34(3): 361-392.

Bennett, Ryan. 2012. Foot-conditioned phonotactics and prosodic constituency. University of California Santa Cruz dissertation.

Bennett, Ryan. 2018. Recursive prosodic words in Kaqchikel (Mayan). Glossa: A journal of general linguistics 3(1): 67, 1-33.

Blevins, Juliette & Sheldon P. Harrison. 1999. Trimoraic feet in Gilbertese. Oceanic Linguistics 38(2): 203-230.

Buckley, Eugene. 2009. Locality in metrical phonology. Phonology 26: 389-435.

Buckley, Eugene. 2014. Kashaya extrametricality and formal symmetry. Supplemental Proceedings of Phonology 2013.

Buckley, Eugene. 2019. Kashaya foot extrametricality as post-accentuation. Proceedings, Annual Meeting in Phonology.

Caballero, Gabriela. 2011. Morphologically conditioned stress assignment in Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara). Linguistics 49: 749-790.

Caballero, Gabriela & Lucien Carroll. 2015. Tone and stress in Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) word prosody. IJAL 81(4), 457-493.

Cohn, Abigail. 1989. Stress in Indonesian and bracketing paradoxes. NLLT 7: 167-216.

Das, Shyamal. 2001. Some aspects of the phonology of Tripura Bangla and Tripura Bangla English. PhD dissertation, CIEFL Hyderabad. Available as ROA-493 from the Rutgers Optimality Archive.

Davis, Stuart & Mi-Hui Cho. 2003. The distribution of aspirated stops and /h/ in American English and Korean: an alignment approach with typological implications. Linguistics 41(4): 607-652.

Davis, Stuart. 2005. “Capitalistic” vs. “Militaristic”: the paradigm uniformity effect reconsidered. In Laura Downing, T. A. Hall & Renate Raffelsieffen (eds.). Paradigms in phonological theory, 107-121. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Downing, Laura J. & Maxwell Kadenge. 2020. Re-placing PStem in the prosodic hierarchy. The Linguistic Review 37(3): 433-461.

Eek, Arvo. 1990. Units of temporal organisation and word accents in Estonian. Linguistica Uralica: 251-262.

Elfner, Emily. 2012. Syntax-prosody interactions in Irish. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

Ellison, T. Mark. 1994. Phonological derivation in Optimality Theory. In Proceedings of the 15th International Conference on Computational Linguistics (COLING). Kyoto, 1007-1013.

Golston, Chris. 1990. Floating H and L* tones in ancient Greek. Arizona Phonology Conference, Vol. 3. ed. by James Myers and Patricia E. Perez, 66-82. Tucson, AZ.

González, Carolina. 2018. A typology of stress- and foot-sensitive consonantal phenomena. International Journal of Basque Linguistics and Philology—Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo, 87-210.

Halle, Morris & Jean-Roger Vergnaud. 1987. An essay on stress. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Hammond, Michael. 1990. Deriving ternarity. Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics from A-Z. University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 39-58.

Haraguchi, Shosuke. 1991. A theory of stress and accent. Berlin: De Gruyter, Inc.

Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Helmbrecht, Johannes & Christian Lehmann (eds.). 2006. Learners’ Dictionary Hocank-English / English-Hocank. (= Arbeitspapiere des Seminars für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Erfurt; 21). Erfurt: University of Erfurt. Retrieved from http://www2.uni-erfurt.de/sprachwissenschaft/ASSidUE/ASSidUE21.pdf

Hewitt, Mark S. 1994. Binarity and ternarity in Alutiiq. In Jean Ann and Kyoko Yoshimura (eds.). Proceedings of Arizona Phonology Conference 4, 44-60. University of Arizona.

Hint, Mati. 1973. Eesti keele sõnafonoloogia. [Word phonology of Estonian.] Vol. 1: Rõhusüsteemi fonoloogia ja morfofonoloogia põhiprobleeemid. [The main phonological and morphological problems of the Estonian stress system.] Tallinn: Eeste NSV Teaduste Akadeemia.

Houghton, Paula. 2006. Ternary stress. Ms, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Available as ROA-836 from the Rutgers Optimality Archive.

Hyde, Brett. 2012. Alignment constraints. NLLT 30: 1-48.

Idsardi, William J. 2008. Calculating metrical structure. In Eric Raimy & Charles E. Cairns (eds.). Contemporary views on architecture and representations in phonology, 191-212. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Inkelas, Sharon. 1990. Prosodic constituency in the lexicon. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics Series. New York: Garland Publishing Co.

Ishii, Toru. 1996. An optimality theoretic approach to ternary stress systems. In Brian Agbayani and N. Harada (eds.). Proceedings of the South Western Optimality Theory Workshop (SWOT II). University of California Irvine Working Papers in Linguistics 2: 95-111.

Iverson, Gregory K. & Joseph C. Salmons. 1995. Aspiration and laryngeal representation in Germanic. Phonology 12: 369-396.

Jensen, John. 2000. Against ambisyllabicity. Phonology 17: 187-235.

Kager, René. 1993. Alternatives to the iambic-trochaic law. NLLT 11: 381-432.

Kager, René. 1994. Ternary rhythm in alignment theory. Manuscript, Utrecht University. Available as ROA-35 from the Rutgers Optimality Archive.

Key, Harold H. 1961. Phonotactics of Cayuvava. IJAL 27: 143-150.

Key, Harold H. 1963/1967. Morphology of Cayuvava. Doctoral dissertation, University of Texas, Austin. Published 1967 as Morphology of Cayuvava. The Hague: Mouton.

Key, Mary Ritchie. 2015. Cayuvava dictionary. In Mary Ritchie Key & Bernard Comrie (eds.) The Intercontinental Dictionary Series. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Retrieved from http://ids.clld.org/contributions/283

Kiparsky, Paul. 1979. Metrical structure assignment is cyclic. LI 10: 421-441.

Krauss, Michael (ed.). 1985. Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: descriptive and comparative studies. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska.

Ladd, D. Robert. 1986. Intonational phrasing: the case for recursive prosodic structure. Phonology Yearbook 3: 311-340.

Leben, William. 1973/1980. Suprasegmental phonology. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics. New York: Garland Press.

Leer, Jeff. 1985a. Prosody in Alutiiq. In Krauss (ed.). Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: descriptive and comparative studies, 77-134. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska.

Leer, Jeff. 1985b. Evolution of prosody in the Yupik languages. In Krauss (ed.). Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: descriptive and comparative studies, 135-158. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska.

Leer, Jeff. 1985c. Toward a metrical interpretation of Yupik prosody. In Krauss (ed.). Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: descriptive and comparative studies, 159-173. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska.

Leer, Jeff. 1993/4. The phonology of the Kenai Peninsula dialect of Chugach Alutiiq. In O. Miyaoka & F. Endo (eds.). Languages of the North Pacific Rim, Vol. 7, 45-148. Tokyo: ELPR. Retrieved from https://uafanlc.alaska.edu/Online/SUC972L1993/SUC972L1993.pdf

Levin, Juliette. 1985. Evidence for ternary feet and implications for a metrical theory of stress rules. Ms., University of Texas, Austin.

Martínez-Paricio, Violeta. 2013. An exploration of minimal and maximal metrical feet. Doctoral dissertation, University of Tromsø.

Martínez-Paricio, Violeta & René Kager. 2015. The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum in stress typology: Layered feet and nonintervention constraints. Phonology 32(3): 459-504.

Martínez-Paricio, Violeta & René Kager. 2016. Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq. Loquens 3(2): e030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.030

McCarthy, John J. 2003. OT constraints are categorical. Phonology 20(1): 75-138.

McCarthy, John J. & Alan Prince. 1993. Generalized alignment. Yearbook of Morphology 12: 79-153.

Nespor, Marina & Irene Vogel. 1986. Prosodic phonology. Dordrecht: Foris.

Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993/2004. Optimality Theory: constraint interaction in generative grammar. Ms, Rutgers University & University of Colorado, Boulder. Published 2004, Malden, Mass. & Oxford: Blackwell.

Prince, Alan. 1980. A metrical theory for Estonian quantity. Linguistic Inquiry 11: 511-562.

Rice, Curt. 2011. Ternary rhythm. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume, and Keren Rice (eds.). The Blackwell companion to phonology, Vol. 5, 1228-1244. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Selkirk, Elisabeth. 2011. The syntax-phonology interface. In John Goldsmith, Jason Riggle and Alan Yu (eds). The Handbook of Phonological Theory, 2nd edition, 435-484. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Tomalin, Marcus. 2011. Syntactic Structures and recursive devices: a legacy of imprecision. Journal of Logic, Language and Information 20: 297-31. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10849-011-9141-1

Vigário, Marina. 2010. Prosodic structure between the prosodic word and the phonological phrase: Recursive nodes or an independent domain? The Linguistic Review 27: 485-530.

Vogel, Irene. 2012. Recursion in phonology? In Bert Botma & Roland Noske (eds.). Phonological Architecture: Empirical, Theoretical and Diachronic Issues, 41-61. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Vogel, Irene. 2019. Life after the strict layer hypothesis. In Hongming Zhang (ed.). Prosodic studies: Challenges and prospects, 9-60. London: Routledge

van Zanten, Ellen & Rob Goedemans. 2009. Prominence in Indonesian: stress, phrases, and boundaries. Wacana 11(2): 197-225.

Published

2021-12-22

How to Cite

Golston, C. (2021). No Stress System Requires Recursive Feet. Catalan Journal of Linguistics, 20, 9–35. https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.333

Downloads

Publication Facts

Metric
This article
Other articles
Peer reviewers 
1
2.4

Reviewer profiles  N/A

Author statements

Author statements
This article
Other articles
Data availability 
N/A
16%
External funding 
No
32%
Competing interests 
No
11%
Metric
This journal
Other journals
Articles accepted 
38%
33%
Days to publication 
462
145

Indexed in

Editor & editorial board
profiles
Academic society 
Catalan Journal of Linguistics

PFL

1 2 3 4 5
Not useful Very useful